Expressions Anaphoriques : une étude comparée des Dialectes Arabes

Abstract

Aoun & Choueiri (2000) suppose the following generalization, which is an anti-locality constraint on the distribution of epithets and strong pronouns in Lebanese Arabic (LA): neither an epithet or a strong pronoun can be "locally" associated with a quantificationnel antecedent (QP). They use the term "association" local, rather than binding because they want to use this assumption to explain consistently the two scenarios that allow the binding of an epithet / strong pronoun by  a QP: 1) configurations where a referring clitic occurs between the epithet / strong pronoun and the QP antecedent which itself binds the epithet / strong pronoun; and 2) configurations where an –wh operator intervenes between the resumptive element (epithet or strong pronoun) and the QP antecedent.

In this paper, we criticize their analysis of anaphoric expressions since it does not account for the Jordanian Arabic (JA) data that we have highlighted (in particular, the case of doubled pronoun). We propose an alternative analysis. We will consider the non-local association configurations as local association configurations whether it is for LA or JA.